Race & QI : biais et incohérences de la théorie de la menace du stéréotype


A meta-analysis of 55 published and unpublished studies of this effect shows clear signs of publication bias. For instance, an IQ test measuring three factors is administered in two groups and the groups differ only with respect to two of the factors. Fill in your details below or click an icon to log in: Conclusions and Outlook We started our review with an overview of research on gender differences in mathematics performance and achievement.

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How can one be unmotivated to do well during one split-second of a test but apparently motivated during the next split-second? Suppose our society is so steeped in the conditions that produce test bias that people in disadvantaged groups underscore their cognitive abilties on all the items on tests, thereby hiding the internal evidence of bias. At the same time and for the same reasons, they underperform in school and on the job in relation to their true abilities, thereby hiding the external evidence.

How can this uniform background bias suppress black reaction time but not the movement time? How can it suppress performance on backward digit span more than forward digit span? Second, the hypothesis implies that many of the performance yardsticks in the society at large are not only biased, they are all so similar in the degree to which they distort the truth — in every occupation, every type of educational institution, every achievement measure, every performance measure — that no differential distortion is picked up by the data.

Bien sûr que non. This is in and of itself not a scientific problem, it simply means that we do not yet fully understand the intrapersonal e. The issue is whether there has been a rush to judgment. It is possible that academic researchers understand that the phenomenon is unstable, with much left to be discovered, and it is reporters and other members of the popular press who have overinterpreted the scientific literature, and as a result mischaracterized the phenomenon as a well established cause of the gender differences in mathematics performance.

No doubt this is indeed the case for many researchers but in many other cases there is undo optimism about the stability and generalizability of this phenomenon. We think there are two possible reasons for the misrepresentation of the strength and robustness of the effect. On the one hand, we assume that there has simply been a cascading effect of researchers citing each other, rather than themselves critically reviewing evidence for the stereotype threat hypothesis.

For example, if one influential author describes an effect as robust and stable, others might simply accept that as fact. Another reason for the overenthusiastic support of the stereotype hypothesis is that many of the associated studies only assessed the presumably stigmatized group rather than including a control group. If we would accept that a study merely with female participants would reveal something unique about women, one could make the same argument for any other group category unique to all participants.

The mistake of lacking a control group becomes clearer if one would conclude that a study with people who all wear cloths says something unique about people wearing clothes.

We can only draw such conclusions by including a control group i. At the very least, we cannot expect that the general public would understand this distinction. It seems likely that the strong conclusions of these latter studies again lead to other studies claiming that there is strong support for women being disadvantaged by social stereotyping.

For example, Derks, Inzlicht, and Kang cite the Krendl et al. This can serve as a springboard for further theory-testing investigations. The fact that these results converge with the behavioral work of others provides consistency across different levels of analysis and organization, an important step toward the broad understanding of any complex phenomenon p.

This is critical if we are to fully assess the stereotype threat explanation of the gender gap in mathematics performance. Finally, we also felt that there were some potential problems with the presentation and interpretation of data. There was often an incomplete description of results e. Granted, it can be reasonable to explore different dependent measures, but it was sometimes the case that significant or marginally significant effects e.

Moreover, there was no consistency in the dependent measure of choice, except that the significant one was highlighted in the text and abstract and the nonsignificant one placed in a footnote. We started our review with an overview of research on gender differences in mathematics performance and achievement. Based on the various large surveys on this topic, it seems reasonable to conclude that at least in the higher levels of performance, male mathematical achievers appear to outnumber female mathematical achievers.

This is not only reflected in mathematics exams, but also in the number of jobs related to mathematics held by men and, for example, the prestigious Fields Medal for mathematical achievement, which has been won by men only since it was first awarded in While few researchers will deny that there are gender differences in mathematics achievement, the really interesting question is what factors contribute to these differences, especially given that it will be impossible to close the gender gap without understanding these factors.

We also discussed the extent to which existing literature has amplified the stereotype threat hypothesis such that uncritical reading of the literature would lead one to conclude, as many have, that the hypothesis is strongly supported. Given the many enthusiastic statements about the stereotype threat effect, one of the most surprising findings of our review was that there were only 21 studies including the original that compared mathematics performance of men and women who were randomly assigned to threat conditions.

This seems to be quite a contrast to larger reviews, such as by Nguyen and Ryan We identified three main reasons for the difference. First, their review was very general, whereas ours focused on the stereotype threat explanation of the gender gap in mathematics performance only. Thus, the many articles that were about other groups that might be affected by stereotype threat were not included.

Second, we only included studies that had a male control group. Third, we only included published studies.

We believe that this is reasonable, because it is difficult to determine the scientific credibility of unpublished data. Furthermore, we do not think that a possible file drawer effect, which is the likelihood of missing articles that have not been published, would change our conclusion. More likely than not, unpublished studies would have found no differences between experimental conditions, although we can only speculate about this.

La dernière phrase est intéressante. A meta-analysis of 55 published and unpublished studies of this effect shows clear signs of publication bias. The effect varies widely across studies, and is generally small. Although elite university undergraduates may underperform on cognitive tests due to stereotype threat, this effect does not generalize to non-adapted standardized tests, high-stakes settings, and less academically gifted test-takers.

Stereotype threat cannot explain the difference in mean cognitive test performance between African Americans and European Americans. Mais pourquoi ce scandale serait si surprenant quand il en vient au débat sur les races? Les suspicions de Stoet était justifiées. Accumulated research, however, reveals quite the opposite e. Une preuve supplémentaire est fournie par Sackett et al. If for example, blacks do better in school than whites after choosing blacks and whites with equal test scores, we could say that the test was biased against blacks in academic prediction.

Similarly, if they do better on the job after choosing blacks and whites with equal test scores, the test could be considered biased against blacks for predicting work performance. This way of demonstrating bias is tantamount to showing that the regression of outcomes on scores differs for the two groups.

On a test biased against blacks, the regression intercept would be higher for blacks than whites, as illustrated in the graphic below. A randomly selected black and white with the same IQ shown by the vertical broken line would not have equal outcomes; the black would outperform the white as shown by the horizontal broken lines. The test is therefore biased against blacks. On an unbiased test, the two regression lines would converge because they would have the same intercept the point at which the regression line crosses the vertical axis.

La régression des résultats sur les scores différeraient donc entre les groupes. Le graphique ci-dessus montre ce qui se passerait si un test était biaisé contre les noirs.

But the graphic above captures only one of the many possible manifestations of predictive bias. Suppose, for example, a test was less valid for blacks than for whites. The next figure illustrates a few hypothetical possibilities.

All three black lines have the same low coefficient; they vary only in their intercepts. The gray line, representing whites, has a higher coefficient therefore, the line is steeper. Begin with the lowest of the three black lines. Only at the very lowest predictor scores do blacks score higher than whites on the outcome measure. As the score on the predictor increases, whites with equivalent predictor scores have higher outcome scores. Here, the test bias is against whites, not blacks. For the intermediate black line, we would pick up evidence for test bias against blacks in the low range of test scores and bias against whites in the high range.

The top black line, with the highest of the three intercepts, would accord with bias against blacks throughout the range, but diminishing in magnitude the higher the score. Dans un scénario où le test de QI serait moins valide pour les noirs que pour les blancs, en termes de régression, nous obtiendrons un plus petit coefficient et la courbe sur le graphique serait moins inclinée.

Mais la ligne grise représentant les blancs est plus inclinée. Commençons par la ligne noire inférieure. Seulement sur les plus faibles scores du prédicteur e. Ici, le biais de test va contre les blancs, pas les noirs. Pour la ligne noire intermédiaire, le biais de test va contre les noirs dans la fourchette inférieure des scores aux tests et contre les blancs dans la fourchette supérieure. Maintenant, que nous apprend la littérature? Les scores aux tests QI conduisent même à une sur-prédiction sur les mesures de résultats pour les noirs, à savoir que les noirs performent moins bien que les blancs sur ces mesures de réussite académique lorsque leur niveau de QI est maintenu constant.

Readers will quickly grasp that test scores can predict outcomes differently for members of different groups and that such differences may justify claims of test bias. So what are the facts? Do we see anything like the first of the two graphics in the data — a clear difference in intercepts, to the disadvantage of blacks taking the test?

Or is the picture cloudier — a mixture of intercept and coefficient differences, yielding one sort of bias or another in different ranges of the test scores? When questions about data come up, cloudier and murkier is usually a safe bet. So let us start with the most relevant conclusion, and one about which there is virtual unanimity among students of the subject of predictive bias in testing: In the notes, we list some of the larger aggregations of data and comprehensive analyses substantiating this conclusion.

When we turn to the hundreds of smaller studies that have accumulated in the literature, we find examples of varying regression coefficients and intercepts, and predictive validities. This is a fundamental reason for focusing on syntheses of the literature. Smaller or unrepresentative individual studies may occasionally find test bias because of the statistical distortions that plague them.

There are, for example, sampling and measurement errors, errors of recording, transcribing, and computing data, restrictions of range in both the predictor and outcome measurements, and predictor or outcome scales that are less valid than they might have been.

Insofar as the many individual studies show a pattern at all, it points to overprediction for blacks. More simply, this body of evidence suggests that IQ tests are biased in favor of blacks, not against them.

The single most massive set of data bearing on this issue is the national sample of more than , school children conducted by sociologist James Coleman and his associates for their landmark examination of the American educational system in the mids. The Coleman survey also included educational achievement measures of reading level and math level that are thought to be straightforward measures of what the student has learned.

If IQ item are culturally biased against blacks, it could be predicted that a black student would do better on the achievement measures than the putative IQ measure would lead one to expect this is the rationale behind the current popularity of steps to modify the SAT so that it focuses less on aptitude and more on measures of what has been learned.

But the opposite occurred. Overall, black IQ scores overpredicted black academic achievement by. A second major source of data suggesting that standardized tests overpredict black performance is the SAT.

Colleges commonly compare the performance of freshmen, measured by grade point average, against the expectations of their performance as predicted by SAT scores. A literature review of studies that broke down these data by ethnic group revealed that SAT scores overpredicted freshman grades for blacks in fourteen of fifteen studies, by a median of. For job performance, the most thorough analysis is provided by the Hartigan Report, assessing the relationship between the General Aptitude Test Battery GATB and job performance measures.

Out of seventy-two studies that were assembled for review, the white intercept was higher than the black intercept in sixty of them — that is, the GATB overpredicted black performance in sixty out of the seventy-two studies. These findings about overprediction apply to the ordinary outcome measures of academic and job performance. Inasmuch as blacks and whites differ on average in their scores on some outcome that is not linked to the predictor, the more biased it will be against whites.

Consider the next figure, constructed on the assumption that the predictor is nearly invalid and that the two groups differ on average in their outcome levels. Le concept de sur-prédiction est néanmoins trompeur quand il est appliqué aux mesures de résultat pour lesquelles le prédicteur ici, le QI a une validité très faible.

Dans la mesure où les noirs et les blancs diffèrent en moyenne dans leurs scores sur certains résultats non liés au prédicteur, il sera davantage biaisé contre les blancs.

La figure ci-dessus considère ainsi un scénario où le prédicteur est clairement invalide et où les deux groupes diffèrent en moyenne dans leurs niveaux de résultat.

Dans ce scénario, les tests de QI apparaissent comme biaisés contre les blancs, pas les noirs. This situation is relevant to some of the outcome measures discussed in Chapter 14, such as short-term male unemployment, where the black and white means are quite different, but IQ has little relationship to short-term unemployment for either whites or blacks. This figure was constructed assuming only that there are factors influencing outcomes that are not captured by the predictor, hence its low validity, resulting in the low slope of the parallel regression lines.

If we knew what the missing predictive factors are, we could include them in the predictor, and the intercept difference would vanish — and so would the implication that the newly constituted predictor is biased against whites.

What such results seem to be telling us is, first, that IQ tests are not predictively biased against blacks but, second, that IQ tests alone do not explain the observed black-white differences in outcomes. It therefore often looks as if the IQ test is biased against whites. En fait, le biais de mesure est révélé lorsque deux personnes ayant les mêmes capacités latentes sur un facteur latent, e.

En ce cas, nous constaterions une invariance en saturation des facteurs factor loadings et intercepts de mesure measurement intercepts au regard des deux groupes.

Si les modèles à égalité de contraintes sur les intercepts de mesure indiquent un pauvre ou faible ajustement du model, la conclusion en serait que les différences dans les scores observés ne sont pas des différences dans les scores latents. En ce cas, les différences de scores constatées sous les expériences de menace du stéréotype seraient plutôt attribuées à des spécificités liées au test ou la façon dont celui-ci a été administrée, mais pas à des différences dans les capacités intellectuelles générales.

We first look at the formal definition of measurement invariance Mellenbergh, , which is expressed in terms of the conditional distribution of manifest test scores Y [denoted by f Y ]. Measurement invariance with respect to v holds if:. Note that v may also represent groups in experimental cells such as those that differ with respect to the pressures of stereotype threat.

In other words, if measurement invariance holds, then the expected test score of a person with a certain latent ability i. Thus, if two persons of a different group have exactly the same latent ability, then they must have the same expected score on the test. Suppose v denotes sex and Y represents the scores on a test measuring mathematics ability. If measurement invariance holds, then test scores of male and female test takers depend solely on their latent mathematics ability i.

Then, one can conclude that measurement bias with respect to sex is absent and that manifest test score differences in Y correctly reflect differences in latent ability between the sexes. Concernant la première étude analysée par Wicherts et al. The measurement bias due to stereotype threat was related to the most difficult NA subtest. An interesting finding is that, because of stereotype threat, the factor loading of this subtest did not deviate significantly from zero.

This change in factor loading suggests a non-uniform effect of stereotype threat. This is consistent with the third scenario discussed above cf. Appendix B and with the idea that stereotype threat effects are positively associated with latent ability cf. Such a scenario could occur if latent ability and domain identification are positively associated.

This differential effect may have led low-ability i. Such a differential effect is displayed graphically in Figure 5. However, constructs such as intelligence and mathematic ability are stable characteristics, and stereotype threat effects are presumably short-lived effects, depending on factors such as test difficulty e.

Furthermore, stereotype threat effects are often highly task specific. For instance, Seibt and Förster found that stereotype threat leads to a more cautious and less risky test-taking style i. In light of such task specificity, we view stereotype threat effects as test artifacts, resulting in measurement bias. En outre, Rushton et Jensen , pp. Another way of answering the question is to compare their psychometric factor structures of kinship patterns, background variables, and subtest correlations.

If there are minority-specific developmental processes [i. One study of six data sources compared cross-sectional correlational matrices about 10 x 10 for a total of 8, Whites, 3, Blacks, 1, Hispanics, and Asians Rowe et al. Si l'on considère, par exemple, une tendance à la hausse, cette tendance est composé d'une grande vague dans une vague montante, que ces mêmes petites vagues et moyen des impulsions. Le numéro un en annonçant la fin des petites vagues.

Paramètres indicateur vous préciser sur les cartes. Cet indicateur se redessine il est donc préférable de ne pas utiliser seul et d'attendre l'explication de la façon de l'utiliser avec le reste de Les Indicateurs article 2 de l'explication.

Est une Moyenne mobile 80 d'écoulement méthode de calcul a été modifiée, ils sont plus rapides à suivre le prix de MA régulière Selon Mustapha Belkhiat mieux que les MA. Traiter avec cet indicateur est le même accord avec tout MA. L'indice prend la rouge lorsque baissière et bleu en phase haussière de phase.

Les plaisirs de la Période de Période sont la MA régulière. Méthode est plaisirs MA méthode de la MA régulière. Timing sixième indicateur est le centre de gravité sous la forme d'une étincelle de décret. Si 8 tours signifie hausse mouvement de puissance haussier a commencé à faiblir et ce qui est un prix élevé de probabilité bas retournement ou le mouvement de correction mouvement de correction avant de continuer à grimper.

Si l'auberge sous -8 moyen de la force calamité a commencé à faiblir et ce qui est un prix grimpe forte probabilité ou le mouvement de correction avant de continuer vers le bas. Pour l'entrée de cet indice n'est pas utilisé seul parce que nous ne saurons pas si le renversement de tendance ou un mouvement de correction. Pour le bien de cet indicateur pour déterminer les zones de métiers gagnants. Quelle est l'unité que la plus grande fluctuation de l'indice a augmenté et diminué chaque fois devenu plus lent un Par défaut 5.

Le septième indicateur Zigxard-Pointer-V3 , qui est une flèche verte peinte sur badges. Cet indicateur est causée Mizarh quelques apparitions pendant plusieurs jours en unités de temps moyen.

Si le stock est passé de paillasse moyens tendance haussière deux fois l'instrument et il est préférable de fermer tous les longs Gagner, ne pas acheter , préparer pour la vente.

Si le stock est passé de dessous le contraire Quelles sont les 3 paramêtres compatibles les uns avec les autres afin de fonctionner correctement indice , diminué augmenté si plaisirs de Fréquence sur et si le stock a augmenté rétréci plaisirs de Fréquence en rupture de stock. Si la boîte était vert signifie la tendance à la hausse dans cette unité de temps si cela signifie tendance décroissant rouge et jaune si cela signifie gamme. Configuration de l'affichage comprend la couleur et l'emplacement du radar.

Ce n'est pas en fait l'indice si l'indice de mot entre parenthèses dans la première , mais plutôt un outil pour aider à prise de décision. Cet indice est une intégration de ces deux indicateurs de Fibonacci de zigzag et modifiés par l'addition de l' Fibonacci en fonction du nombre de complications et les dénominateurs or. Indice de violi de ligne est inchangée indicateur ZigZag ZigZag des similitudes. Souvent changer de direction quand retracement Fibonacci pas de lignes bleues tout marché tout ce qui touchera ce changement de retracement de probabilité dans le sens du marché , que ce soit un petit changement dans la forme de correction ou un changement dans la tendance.

Retracement Parfois étui de ce que chacun signifie la probabilité que le marché va passer gamme de zone. Lignes horizontales Fibo plus couramment utilisés donnent le prix auquel il est possible que le marché change de direction et Priez. Lignes verticales de Fibo indicateur nos bagages donnent le temps est possible que le marché change de direction et Priez.

Paramètres de l'indice , ce qui Réglages indices zigzag et fibonacci Outre les paramètres pour changer les couleurs du curseur. Le groupe 2 comprend deux indicateurs, mais ils ont attaché l'autre, expliquer chacun individuellement, mais les mettre avec certains d'entre eux de la façon dont leur utilisation.

Le premier indicateur est la minuterie est composé de Niveau 0 et courbe Qui oscille autours de CE Niveau.

Le deuxième indicateur est de reconnaître le RSI 14 personnes chacune , ajouté à les augmenter Belkhayat est une nouvelle lecture de cet indicateur peut être lu à travers le couloir haussier et baissier. Si rsi limitées à entre 40 et 60 vont dos à dos , si toutes les couleurs ont été ajoutées à l'index pour faciliter la connaissance du couloir. Cette stratégie est très simple et efficace que voir surtout moi j aime: Groupe 2 est d'ajouter des lignes de tendance rsi manuellement ajouter une Autre couloir Manuellement non.

La différence entre couloir haussier et baissier autochtones qui sont au-dessus du rsi et couloir haussier et baissier à la liste d'emploi.

Cette extension va augmenter certains des bons signaux à la stratégie et éviter certains mauvais signaux. Le dernier indicateur Temps couloir Belkhayate. Cet indice ne donne pas acheter ou vendre des signaux, mais met en évidence les meilleurs temps pour chaque paire de tous les délais d'échange meilleures vagues ou la Volatilité Times.

Élaboration éventuelle d'un plan horizontal de l'indice pour faciliter la lecture comme dans l'image.

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